Parental responsibility in childhood immunizations

Steve Phillips

Last week I wrote about the issue of parental responsibility and medical decision-making for children. We have good reasons for having parents be the primary decision makers for children who are not capable of making their own medical decisions. However, as I discussed in the last post, there are some situations in which parents make decisions that are not in the best interest of their child. When those decisions reach the point at which the child’s life is in danger, society clearly has a moral obligation to intervene to save the life of the child.

Parental refusal of recommended immunizations for their children raises similar issues but is more complex. We can clearly demonstrate that it is in a child’s best interest to receive at least most of the commonly recommended immunizations for children. Those immunizations help to prevent a child being affected by diseases that can be serious and have a very low risk for serious adverse effects. However, the chance of an individual child being affected by many of these diseases is relatively small and the situation is quite different from a child whose life is in immediate danger due to a parental refusal of treatment. Since the risk to an individual child is relatively small and there is some possible risk to the child from receiving the immunization, it is not clear that a parent who refuses immunizations for a child is being negligent in the same way as a parent who refuses treatment for a life-threatening illness. It can be argued that the best way to deal with this type of situation is education. Many times, parents refuse immunizations for their children because of misconceptions about the risks and a lack of understanding of the benefits of doing the immunizations. It can be difficult to counter widespread misconceptions, but physicians have the responsibility of trying to do that the best that we can. However, this is not the only issue involved in determining whether society has an obligation to intervene and mandate childhood immunizations when parents refuse.

Immunizations are unique in the way that they work. They help protect the individual who is immunized, but they also help protect the community as a whole when we can achieve sufficient levels of immunity to halt the spread of an infectious disease within the community. This is sometimes called herd immunity. We have an excellent example of how this works with the current measles outbreak in the United States. Measles happens to be one of the most easily transmittable infectious diseases that we know of. It also can be deadly in a small percentage of the people who acquire the disease. It is also primarily a disease of children and is transmitted by children. When about 97% of children have been immunized in a community the disease will not be transmitted through that community and those who have not been immunized or cannot be immunized are protected from acquiring the disease. This level of immunity was accomplished in the United States about 20 years ago and for some time the only cases of measles that were seen in the United States were cases that originated elsewhere. However, because of parents refusing to have their children immunized for measles in significant numbers in some parts of the country, herd immunity is no longer present and we are having outbreaks of measles this year that are more than we have seen in 20 years.

That raises a different question. Should we mandate immunization of children for diseases such as measles and override parental decision-making not solely for the benefit of the children whose parents refuse to have them immunized but for the common good of the community? There are some children and other individuals who cannot be immunized or for whom immunizations would not be effective who are put at increased risk when herd immunity is not achieved in the community. This makes the decision about whether to immunize a child not just a decision about what is best for that child but also a decision about what is best for the community. For Christian parent it makes the decision about whether to immunize a child a decision about love of neighbor. Immunizing one’s own child helps to protect the child, but it also helps to protect the most vulnerable in the community. If we truly love our neighbor, we should do that even if there is a small risk to our own child. The final question is whether we as a society should require children to be immunized for these diseases when a parent is not willing to authorize it out of either concern for the best interest of the child or concern for those who are vulnerable in the community.

Parental responsibility in medical decisions for children

By Steve Phillips

The 2 posts on this blog this week by Neil Skjoldal and Mark McQuain raise issues related to parental decision-making for the medical treatment of their children. Neil raised this issue related to parental refusal of life-saving treatment for acute leukemia and Mark raised it related to parental decisions not to have their children immunized for measles. There are some similarities in these situations and some differences. An obvious similarity is that in both of these situations parents are making a decision to refuse treatment for their children that is the recommended standard of care. Both situations raise issues about who should make decisions about the medical care that children receive and how those decisions should be made.

One thing we should be clear about is that this is not a conflict between the principle of respect for autonomy and the principle of beneficence. Respect for autonomy says that a person should be able to make decisions about what happens to his or her own body. It says that it shows disrespect to an individual as a person to insist a person receive recommended medical care when that person has the capability of making his or her own decisions and does not consent to the recommended care. This principle does not apply to decisions about the medical care of young children. Young children are not capable of making decisions about their own care and the parents are not the ones receiving medical treatment, so respect for autonomy does not apply to these situations.

What is involved is our understanding of parental responsibility for making medical decisions for their children. Because young children do not have the ability to make their own medical decisions, someone needs to serve as a decision-maker for them. We generally understand that parents ought to be the ones making those decisions. We have good reasons for that. Decisions about the medical care of young children should be made based on what is in the best interest of those children. God has created us as human beings to be dependent during the early part of our lives. He has put us in families with parents who have the responsibility for providing for the needs of their dependent children. Parents should love their children unconditionally as a precious gift and make decisions for their children based on what is best for each child. This usually makes parents the people who care the most about doing what is best for a child and makes them the best medical decision makers for their child.

However, sometimes parents do not fulfill their parental responsibilities as well as they should. None of us are perfect, but there are times when it is clear that the decision being made by a parent is not what is best for a child. When the potential consequences for the child are serious enough it can become the responsibility of the rest of us to intervene for the benefit of the child. We should not violate parental responsibility lightly, and it needs to be done in a controlled and orderly way, but when the child’s life is in danger, we have a responsibility as a society to intervene to protect a child. We should do this in any type of severe neglect or abuse.  We should do it when parents refuse medical treatment for a child who is likely to die if without treatment and the treatment has a good chance of saving the child’s life.

That appears to be the case in the situation in Neil’s post. The concern about parents refusing immunizations for their children has some similarities, but is more complex. It will take another post to address that.

Measles: When does Screening, Quarantining and/or Vaccination become Mandatory?

By Mark McQuain

As this linked PBS NewsHour interview between Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, and Judy Woodruff reports, the number of new cases of measles in the US has reached nearly 700, which is the highest number of new cases since measles was supposedly eliminated in 2000. The video is short and provides a quick review of the current causes of the outbreak and suggested steps one can take to mitigate future personal and family risks of contracting the disease. The reason for this being the subject of this bioethics blog is to touch on the ethical tensions between personal autonomy and utilitarian public health calculations regarding the recent measles outbreak.

So what is the problem with getting measles in the first place? Measles is a highly contagious viral respiratory disease. Simply being in the same room with someone with the disease can lead to becoming infected. In its milder form, the disease results in fever, runny nose, ear infection and a classic spotted red skin rash. In its more severe form, it can cause a severe pneumonia requiring hospitalization, deafness, lifelong brain damage and even death. Children under 5 years of age are at particular risk. A common two-stage vaccine called MMR is available that successfully immunizes 97% of those that receive it. It is given at age one and again around age 5.

The benefits of the immunization are two-fold. The first is direct personal protection against contracting the disease if you receive the vaccination and are one of the 97% of individuals who gain future immunity against the measles virus. The second is something called herd immunity. If enough people are immunized (experts estimate “enough” to be between 95-97% of the population), then even people who cannot be immunized, such as infants less than one year of age or individuals whose immune systems are compromised, are still somewhat protected from contracting the disease. This is because new measles cases from “outside the herd” are severely limited in their ability to spread to the small number of non-immunized people within the largely immunized herd. The immunized people effectively act as a physical barrier to protect the non-immunized people. Problem solved, right?

To quote my favorite ESPN College Gameday commentator coach Lee Corso: “Not so fast, my friend”. The measles vaccine is not completely risk-free. Minor side effects include fever, rash and local injection site infections. Much less common but more severe reactions include seizures and rare deaths from severe allergic reactions. In the late 1990s, the British medical journal Lancet published a study by Andrew Wakefield positing a link between the MMR vaccine and autism. This study was later proven to be a completely falsified claim and Wakefield was completely discredited, though some parents still use the original study to argue against vaccinating their children.

If the vaccine were completely risk-free, there would be no logical or ethical reason not to receive the vaccination. If everyone who could take the vaccine did so, herd immunity from a public health standpoint would be at its maximum, protecting the remainder of individuals unable to receive or benefit from the vaccine. The current measles outbreak argues that either we are not properly screening or quarantining new cases of measles at the point of entry to the US or our herd immunity may be breaking down (or some combination of the above).

So, at your next social function, after you have debated your usual political concerns or dismay at your favorite NFL football team’s shocking choice in the recent NFL draft, settle in to a potentially more meaningful discussion around the ethics of personal autonomy versus public health policy regarding mandatory measles screening, quarantining and vaccination. Suggested sub-topics might include:

• Is it fair for those who are able to vaccinate but choose not to vaccinate to freely rely on the herd immunity of those that do vaccinate?
• How public should one’s vaccination or immunity status be to avoid quarantine?
• What reasons are reasonable to choose not to immunize?
• Would it be fair to deny public (or private) insurance coverage for treating the measles if one chose not to take the vaccine?

Are AI Ethics Unique to AI?

By Mark McQuain

A recent article in Forbes.com by Cansu Canca entitled “A New Model for AI Ethics in R&D” has me wondering whether the ethics needed for the field of Artificial Intelligence (AI) requires some new method or model of thinking about the bioethics related to that discipline. The author, a principal in the consulting company AI Ethics Lab, implies that there might be. She believes that the traditional “Ethics Oversight and Compliance Review Boards”, which emerged as a response to the biomedical scandals of World War II and continue in her view to emphasize a heavy-handed, top-down, authoritative control over ethical decisions in biomedical research, leave AI researchers effectively out-of-the-ethical-decision-making loop.

In support of her argument, she cites the recent working document of AI Ethics Guidelines by the European Commission’s High-Level Expert Group on Artificial Intelligence (AI HLEG). AI HLEG essentially distilled their AI ethical guidelines down to the familiar: Respect for Autonomy, Beneficence, Non-Maleficence, and Justice, as well as one new principle: Explicability. She downplays Explicability as simply the means to realize the other four principles. I think the demand for Explicability is interesting in its own right and will comment on that below.

Canca sees the AI HLEG guidelines as simply a rehash of the same principles of bioethics available to current bioethics review boards, which, in her view, are limited in that they provide no guidance for such a board when one principle conflicts with another. She is also frustrated that the ethical path researchers are permitted continues to be determined by an external governing board, implying that “researchers cannot be trusted and…focuses solely on blocking what the boards consider to be unethical.” She wants a more collaborative interaction between researchers and ethicists (and presumably a review board) and outlines how her company would go about achieving that end.

Faulting the “Principles of Biomedical Ethics” for failing to be determinant on how to resolve conflicts between the four principles is certainly not a problem unique to AI. In fact, Beauchamp and Childress repeatedly explicitly pointed out that the principles cannot be independently determinant on these types of inter-principle conflicts. This applies to every field in biomedical ethics.

Having an authoritative, separate ethical review board was indeed developed, at least in part, because at least some individual biomedical researchers in the past were untrustworthy. Some still are. We have no further to look than the recent Chinese researcher He Jiankui, who allegedly created and brought to term the first genetically edited twins. Even top-down, authoritative oversight failed here.

I do think Canca is correct in trying to educate both the researchers and their companies about bioethics in general and any specific bioethical issues involved in a particular research effort. Any effort to openly identify bioethical issues and frankly discuss potential bioethical conflicts at the outset should be encouraged.

Finally, the issue of Explicability related to AI has come up in this blog previously. Using the example of programming a driverless car, we want to know, explicitly, how the AI controlling that car is going to make decisions, particularly if it must decide how to steer the car in a no-win situation that will result in the death of either occupants inside the car or bystanders on the street. What we are really asking is: “What ethical parameters/decisions/guidelines were used by the programmers to decide who lives and who dies?” I imagine we want this spelled-out explicitly in AI because, by their nature, AI systems are so complex that the man on the Clapham omnibus (as well as the bioethicist sitting next to him) has no ability to determine these insights independently.

Come to think about it, Explicability should also be demanded in non-AI bioethical decision-making for much the same reason.

Are pharmaceutical companies responsible for the opioid crisis?

Steve Phillips

Recently a major pharmaceutical company settled a lawsuit with the state of Oklahoma for $270 million. The state had alleged that the company’s marketing of OxyContin had helped to fuel the opioid epidemic in the state. Pharmaceutical companies in general do some things that are very good and have many times had some questionable practices. Some of their pricing and marketing practices are morally questionable, but it seems to me that it is the role of the FDA to evaluate those marketing practices and discipline pharmaceutical companies when they market inappropriately.

It does not seem to me that states suing pharmaceutical companies is an appropriate way to deal with the opioid crisis. The problem of what we used to call narcotic addiction has been around for centuries. It has been a problem long before any modern pharmaceutical companies existed. Whether the narcotic being abused was opium, morphine, heroin, or prescription pain pills the primary driver of narcotic addiction has always been hopelessness and despair. This is true whether it involved the opium dens in China or the slums of London, heroin addiction in the inner cities of the US or opioid abuse by the rural poor of states like Oklahoma or Indiana (where I practice). Supply plays a role in which narcotics are abused, but the underlying problem is a social and spiritual one.

There are many factors that go into the hopelessness and desire to escape that underlies narcotic addiction. One factor is economic. People who are unable to find work to support themselves and have no hope of being able to do so may turn to narcotics to escape. Those who are wounded by broken families and have no hope of being able to find the wholesome family relationships they desire frequently turn to alcohol and drug abuse. It would make as much sense to sue those who have contributed to these economic and social conditions as it would to sue pharmaceutical companies. Should states sue manufacturers who have yielded to economic pressures and have left empty factories scattered around our country while they profit from manufacturing goods overseas? Should they sue musicians who glorified drug abuse in their songs and modeled that in their behavior? Should they sue the entertainment industry that has promoted sexual immorality and the breakdown of families? Should they sue both state and federal legislators who have created a welfare system that promotes dependence and generational poverty?

I do not think that this is the answer. There are many things in our society that have helped to promote the increase in drug abuse that we are dealing with today. It will take all of us working together voluntarily to impact this crisis. Churches, businesses, physicians, hospitals, pharmaceutical companies, and government at the local, state, and federal level will all need to work together to help reduce the hopelessness and despair that underlies the current opioid epidemic. Research and treatment like what will be funded by the settlement of the Oklahoma lawsuit is needed, but working on the underlying problem of hopelessness and despair is essential. Local churches have the potential to impact that most effectively without needing to sue anyone.

Justice Potter Stewart’s Infanticide Equivalent

By Mark McQuain

Regular readers of this blog will hopefully forgive me for repeating myself but given the recent failure of the “Born Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act” (BAASPA) in the Senate, the repetition seems warranted.

My concern is not specifically the result of the failure of this particular bill. We indeed already have a “Born-Alive Infants Protection Act of 2002” (BAIPA), which passed by voice vote in the House and Unanimous Consent in the Senate, and accomplishes (as best as I can tell) essentially everything demanded in the BAASPA, including granting 14th Amendment personhood protection of such a baby under federal law. The arguable difference between the existing law, BAIPA, and the failed bill, BAASPA, is that the latter specified legal punishment if certain resuscitative measures were not performed.

Supporters of BAASPA argued that, despite BAIPA, examples continue to exist of babies who are otherwise normal and healthy at their stage of gestation that were born alive post abortion attempt and were subsequently allowed to die without attempts at resuscitation, effectively resulting in infanticide. Pro-choice advocates argued against the passage of BAASPA claiming the legal punishments within the bill would ultimately limit abortion providers from providing the full range of abortion services permitted under current law out of fear of legal recrimination. For the purpose of this particular blog entry, I will concede that both concerns are valid and simply state, given my pro-life position, that the moral weight of the first position infinitely outweighs the second. I want to focus the remainder of this blog on two public comments by prominent lawmakers regarding the status of any baby born post abortion.

The first comment was by Virginia Governor Ralph Northam and covered in my previously linked blog entry above. During a radio interview he described what would happen during a third trimester abortion if the woman went into labor: “The infant would be resuscitated if that’s what the mother and the family desired, and then a discussion would ensue between the physicians and mother…” The second comment was by U.S. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. He expressed concern that the BAASPA legislation would force doctors to provide care to a baby born alive post abortion attempt even if that care was “ineffective, contradictory to medical evidence, and against the families’ wishes.”

In both cases, what the family “desired” or “wished” prior to the abortion procedure was not a living baby. Current law permits a family with a “desire” or “wish” to terminate the life of a fetus to do so without any legal recrimination. Current BAIPA law grants all babies born alive the 14th Amendment protection of personhood, including life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, regardless of the “desires’ or “wishes” of others. I believe it is a huge stretch to argue that these comments were meant to only apply to babies born so medically compromised that any attempt at further life-sustaining care would indeed be ineffective and/or contradictory to medical evidence – in short, futile.

I close again with Justice Potter Stewart’s infanticide equivalent from 1972 Roe v. Wade oral argument testimony between Justice Potter Stewart and attorney Sarah Weddington, who represented Roe (see LINK for transcript or audio of the second reargument Oct 11, 1972, approximately one-third of the way through):

Potter Stewart: Well, if it were established that an unborn fetus is a person within the protection of the Fourteenth Amendment, you would have almost an impossible case here, would you not?

Sarah R. Weddington: I would have a very difficult case. [Laughter]

Potter Stewart: You certainly would because you’d have the same kind of thing you’d have to say that this would be the equivalent to after the child was born.

Sarah R. Weddington That’s right.

Potter Stewart: If the mother thought that it bothered her health having the child around, she could have it killed. Isn’t that correct?

Sarah R. Weddington: That’s correct.

Abortion, at any time, for any reason?

By Mark McQuain

Last week, Virginia delegate Kathy Tran introduced a bill to eliminate some current restrictions on late term abortions in the Commonwealth. During the committee hearing on the bill, she answered a question by one of the other committee members to the effect that her bill would permit a third trimester abortion up to and including the point of birth. That exchange may be heard here. She later “walked back” that particular comment as outlined here. Virginia Governor Ralph Northam, who is a pediatric neurologist by training, added his comments to the discussion on a call-in WTOP radio show, where he implied that the bill would additionally permit parent(s) and physician(s) to terminate the life of a “severely deformed”, “non-viable” infant after the birth of the infant, which may be heard here (the entire 50+ minute WTPO interview may be heard here). That particular bill is currently tabled (the actual bill may be read here).

These events deserve far more reflection and discussion than can be afforded in the small space of this blog. I want to discuss two comments by Governor Northam and then comment on expanding abortion to include the extreme limit of birth.

First, during his radio interview, the Governor added qualifiers to the status of the infant that are not only not in the bill submitted by Delegate Tran, they are specifically contrary to it. Section 18.2-74(c) of the Code of Virginia is amended by Tran’s House Bill No. 2491 to read ([w]hen abortion or termination of pregnancy lawful after second trimester of pregnancy):

“Measures for life support for the product of such abortion or miscarriage must shall be available and utilized if there is any clearly visible evidence of viability. “(markup/emphasis in the bill)

To be generous to the Governor, it is unclear why he qualified his comments the way he did, given that the bill is explicitly discussing a potentially viable infant. Options include that the Governor was simply ignorant of the specifics of Tran’s Bill (possibly), was actually purposefully advocating for infanticide (unlikely), or wanted to defend the loosening of restrictions on very late term abortions, clearly intended by her bill, by introducing at least one conditional situation that a number of people might initially consider reasonable (most likely). The firestorm caused by his so-called “post-birth-abortion” comment completely obscured any attention to the equally tragic portion of Tran’s Bill that eliminates a huge portion of the Code of Virginia section 18.2-76, which currently requires a much more specific informed consent process, inclusive of a pre-abortion fetal ultrasound to attempt to educate the woman on the nature of the human being she is desiring to abort.

The second comment by Governor Northam was made parenthetically while expressing his opinion that the abortion decision should be kept between a physician and the pregnant woman, and out of the hands of the legislature, “who are mostly men”. Does this imply all men be excluded from the abortion discussion or just male legislators? Should male obstetricians likewise be excluded from this discussion? Following the Governor’s comment to its logical conclusion, shouldn’t he refrain from similar comments/opinions regarding abortion since he is also a man? This is absurd. Representative government specifically, and civil discourse more generally, is not possible if ideas cannot be debated unless the particular people involved in the debate are all the same sex, same race, same ethnicity, same height, same weight, same age, etc…

Aborting a healthy, viable baby just prior to, or, at the very moment of, birth seems to me to be the least likely example of the type of abortion that anyone on the pro-choice side of the abortion debate would use to make the case that abortion is a good and necessary right. Presently, immediately after birth, the baby (finally) has the protection as a person under the Fourteenth Amendment. Eerily, as I have shared in this blog before, almost identical concepts were discussed during the 1972 oral arguments of Roe v. Wade, such as the following exchange between Justice Potter Stewart and attorney Sarah Weddington, who represented Roe. (see LINK for transcript or audio of the second reargument Oct 11, 1972, approximately one-third of the way through):

Potter Stewart: Well, if it were established that an unborn fetus is a person within the protection of the Fourteenth Amendment, you would have almost an impossible case here, would you not?

Sarah R. Weddington: I would have a very difficult case. [Laughter]

Potter Stewart: You certainly would because you’d have the same kind of thing you’d have to say that this would be the equivalent to after the child was born.

Sarah R. Weddington That’s right.

Potter Stewart: If the mother thought that it bothered her health having the child around, she could have it killed. Isn’t that correct?

Sarah R. Weddington: That’s correct.

I am one blogger who is praying that Governor Northam’s “post-birth-abortion” misunderstanding of Delegate Kathy Tran’s Bill liberalizing abortions through the end of the third trimester never causes Justice Potter’s 1972 infanticide equivalent to become a reality.

Gender & Pain

By Neil Skjoldal

Last week, The Washington Post  published a summary of a recent article in the Journal of Pediatric Psychology entitled “Gender Bias in Pediatric Pain Assessment.”

The participants of the study were shown a video with a child described as a girl or boy enduring pain.  The authors  “then asked adults to rate how much pain the child experienced and displayed, how typical the child was in these respects, and how much they agreed with explicit gender stereotypes concerning pain response in boys versus girls.”  The study found that “the ‘boy’ was rated as experiencing more pain than the ‘girl’ despite identical clinical circumstances and identical pain behavior across conditions.”

Isaac Stanley-Becker, the author of The Post’s article, noted that the authors of this study were surprised that “the downgrading of female pain was driven by female participants, who were more likely than men to say that the pain of the subject was less severe when told she was a girl.”  Stanley-Becker further notes that these results are similar to an earlier study with female nursing and psychology students as participants, suggesting that there is “crossover to the health-care profession.”

It might be difficult for some to imagine anyone purposefully reacting to children’s pain in this way. However, in treating patients in a manner which honors their dignity as humans, it is good to be aware of any possible biases that may exist.  It appears that future research will continue to examine these matters.

The Genetic Singularity Point has Arrived

By Mark McQuain

November 2018 will go down as one of the most pivotal points in human history. Jon Holmlund covered the facts in his last blog entry. Regardless of what you think about the ethics of He Jiankui’s recent use of CRISPR to alter the human genomes of IVF embryos and his decision to intentionally bring those genetically altered twin girls to full term, one thing is perfectly clear – we humans are in charge now. Whether you believe in God or Nature as the Entity or Force that previously determined the arrangement of our genes, humans now sit at the adult table and will be gradually (rapidly?) making more of those genetic decisions. Like Kurzweil’s upcoming Singularity Point when computers develop sufficient artificial intelligence to design the next computer, humans have now reached the point where we can and are willing to design the next human.

The Genetic Singularity point has arrived.

While there are some scientists who are frustrated that our Institutional Review Boards and ethics committees have held us back this long, most of the rest of us are frankly stunned and uneasy that we have reached this point. But anyone who thinks our stunned uneasiness will prevent a repeat of this experiment or prevent a push to alter increasing portions of our human genome to change other genetic sequences will simply remain more frequently stunned and persistently uneasy, ethical arguments notwithstanding.

My reason for expecting this to be the case is I believe we will hear increasing demands of the form that now that we have the ability to change our genome, we have the responsibility to change our genome. In fact, it would not surprise me to see, in the not-to-distant future, insurance companies paying for the cost of IVF/CRISPR to modify your child’s genome to prevent disease/condition X to avoid paying for the later treatment of disease/condition X. Oh, you won’t be forced to do this. But, if you choose to rely on God or Nature for your baby’s genetic pattern, “we” won’t be responsible for his or her care. And, if big data can eventually be married to IVF/CRISPR to statistically improve one’s chances of having a smart/beautiful/athletic/successful baby, wouldn’t you want the same for your child? Since it will be our responsibility, how could a parent not choose to make their child the best that they could be?

This will be Gattaca writ large.

Being at the Genetic Singularity point, by definition, means we humans choose our next step. We have reached the point where we believe we are ready to select our future direction. It is up to us now to chart our own course. Our genetic trajectory is our responsibility. Our success or failure, or more broadly, our future good or bad, is finally ours to determine – really ours to assign.

So Man created mankind in his own image, in the image of Man he created them…And Man saw everything he had made, and behold, it was very good…

Abortion by mail, part 2

By Steve Phillips

Last week I wrote about a European organization that has begun providing the medicines used for medical abortions by mail to women seeking abortions in the US following an online consultation. This violates the current restrictions that the FDA has on the prescribing of mifepristone, the primary medicine used for medical abortion. The restrictions exist due to safety concerns with the use of the drug. Those who think that those restrictions should be ended cite FDA statistics that show that serious harm to women who take the drug are quite rare. I concluded that the data indicate that it is hard to support the restrictions based on the risk of harm to a woman who chooses to use mifepristone.

I mentioned that there is another, somewhat perverse, risk that is usually not discussed which enters into the decision about whether the prescribing of should be limited to a certified prescriber dispensing the medicine in a clinical setting. That is the risk to the embryo/fetus. Those who support the use of mifepristone cite an effectiveness rate of 95-97%. That means that over 95% of the time the use of mifepristone in early pregnancy causes the death of the embryo/fetus and along with the use of misoprostol the pregnancy is ended with a medically induced abortion. In the 3 to 5% of cases in which this does not occur, some result in the death of the embryo/fetus, but the products of conception are retained within the uterus and may present some risk to the mother. As noted above, the observed risk to the mother turns out to be quite low. Sometimes when the process of medical abortion fails the embryo/fetus may survive. Mifepristone is an anti-progesterone. We know that medicines which alter the hormonal environment of an embryo can cause congenital anomalies. Therefore, there is a risk that if an embryo does not die and a subsequent surgical abortion is not done an infant may be born who suffers from congenital anomalies due to exposure to the medicines which were intended to cause a medical abortion. To prevent this, it is recommended that women who take the medicines for medical abortion who do not abort within the usual period of time have a surgical abortion. That would be the primary reason to support the FDA’s requirement that these medicines only be dispensed in a clinical setting by a certified prescriber. The role of the certified prescriber is to make sure that no embryo who is exposed to mifepristone survives to be born with the possible congenital anomalies.

Thus, we have a situation in which our society, as represented by the FDA, has decided that it is permissible to give a pregnant woman a medicine that will kill the embryo/fetus living inside her, but only if the medicine is dispensed in such a way that it can be assured that the embryo/fetus will be killed and not survive with an abnormality caused by the medicine. I said this was perverse. It is what we get when we have a society that puts a higher value on avoiding suffering than the value placed on human life.