Oh, Those Darned Terms (part 2)

By Mark McQuain

Voltaire has been credited with saying: “If you wish to converse with me, define your terms”. In a previous blog entry, Tom Garigan reminded us that it is literally vital that we define our terms when we engage in ethical debates, particularly those ethical debates related to the beginning of life. Explicit definition of terms should apply for opinion pieces in the New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) as well.

In a recent NEJM Perspective (subscription required), Cynthia Chuang, MD, and Carol Weisman, PhD, are concerned that the Trump administration’s November 15th publication of final rules (HERE and HERE), broadly allowing employers to deny contraceptive coverage to their employees on the basis of religious or moral objections, will “undermine women’s reproductive autonomy and could lead to an increase in rates of unintended pregnancies, unintended births, and abortions.” The article provides a summary of the political back and forth of court injunctions and rule modifications that have ensued, which is interesting but not the point of this blog entry. I want to focus on one of the four main objections they raise against allowing employers religious or moral exemptions from the current requirement that employers provide all FDA-approved contraceptive/birth-control methods.

There are 18 FDA-approved Birth Control methods for women provided by the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (commonly called Obamacare or ACA) without cost-sharing [that is, at no cost to the patient]. These are also referred to as contraceptives. A contraceptive is defined as a method that prevents pregnancy. Pregnancy has been defined as either beginning at conception (the union of an egg and sperm that results in a fertilized egg) or beginning at implantation of a fertilized egg into the lining of the uterus. This difference in definition impacts how one views certain contraceptive methods that may work in part by preventing a fertilized egg from implanting into the wall of the uterus. Any contraceptive method that prevents implantation causes the intentional death of that fertilized egg and would correctly be an abortifacient (a birth control method that causes an abortion) if pregnancy is defined as beginning with conception. An intrauterine device (IUD) and Levonorgestrel (PlanB) both work primarily by preventing the egg and sperm from joining to create a fertilized egg, but some argue that it can not be proven that these methods don’t also work, in part, by preventing implantation ((PlanB) (IUD).

This background is useful in discussing Chuang and Weisman’s third objection to allowing employers religious and moral objections against the full gamut of FDA-approved birth control methods currently allowed by the ACA:

“Third, the rules allow entities to deny coverage of contraceptives to which they have a religious or moral objection, including certain contraceptive services “which they consider to be abortifacients.” By definition, contraceptives prevent pregnancy and are not abortifacients. Allowing employers to determine which contraceptives they consider to be abortifacients, rather than relying on medical definitions and evidence, promotes the spread of misinformation.”

The previous link on IUD by the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology (ACOG) relies on the definition of pregnancy that defines pregnancy as beginning with the implantation of a fertilized egg into the lining of the uterus. Neither an IUD nor Plan B are believed to terminate a pregnancy after implantation and therefore, under ACOG’s definition, the one relied upon by Chuang and Weisman, neither is an abortifacient. If pregnancy begins with conception, then both Plan B and the IUD are potential abortifacients, as both interfere with implantation of an otherwise viable fertilized egg. ACOG admits the IUD interferes with implantation in their position paper linked above.

Rather than rhetorically condemning employers who have genuine religious and moral concerns about participating in the termination of innocent life by implying they fail to rely on proper “medical definitions and evidence”, Chuang and Weisman (and ACOG for that matter) should do better job explaining their definitions so they can also avoid promoting “the spread of misinformation”.

Oh, those darned terms!

Abortion and viability

By Steve Phillips

There has been considerable reaction to the recent passage of a New York State law a regarding abortion. It has been celebrated by those who support a woman’s choice to have an abortion at any time and for any reason and strongly opposed by those who believe that a human fetus has a life that should be greatly valued because he or she has been created in the image of God. The new law basically changes two things in the previous New York State abortion law which led the way in the legalization of abortion prior to Roe v. Wade. One is that it expanded those who can legally perform and abortion in the state to include nurse practitioners, physician assistants, and midwives in addition to physicians. I will not be discussing that here. The other changes have to do with the circumstances under which an abortion may legally be done after 24 weeks gestation.

The 1970 law stated that an abortion could be done legally for any reason prior to 24 weeks, but only to protect the life of the mother after 24 weeks. Why 24 weeks? 24 weeks gestation was considered to be the limit of viability for a fetus in 1970. Today it would probably be more like 22 weeks, but they didn’t change that. What has changed in the new law is that abortion is considered legal after 24 weeks if there is an absence of fetal viability after 24 weeks or to protect the life or health of the mother. This significantly expands the cases in which abortion after 24 weeks can be considered legal. Roe v. Wade already expanded it in the second way. In that decision the Supreme Court ruled that the state could have an interest in the life of the fetus later in the pregnancy that it did not have early in the pregnancy but limited that interest by saying that a state could not say that an abortion was legal if it was done to protect the life or health of the mother. A companion decision made at the same time stated that the health of the mother should be interpreted very broadly to include the emotional well-being of the mother. That left us with the current situation in which the United States has the broadest definition of a legal abortion in the world.

The thing that I find most interesting about the new law is that it keeps the distinction between abortions done before and after 24 weeks and that it adds the condition that an abortion after 24 weeks can be legal in the absence of fetal viability. If the law is going to say that an abortion can be legal at any time during the pregnancy based on the mother suffering emotional distress, why would those making the law be concerned about fetal viability? I think that what is being said by those who have written and passed this law is that until a fetus is capable of living independently of his or her mother the life of that fetus has absolutely no value other than the value conferred by his or her mother. They want that to be contained in the law even if it actually makes no practical difference regarding the legality of abortion. Why is that so important?

I think it is important because the fundamental underlying issue regarding the permissibility of abortion has to do with how we determine who is a person who we are obligated to treat as we would want to be treated ourselves. It is essential for those who support the moral permissibility of abortion and therefore its legality to say that a fetus is not such a person. The best way to do that is to say that an individual is only a person with full moral status when that individual has certain capabilities that are like ours. One of those capabilities which can be fairly clearly defined is viability. If people can be convinced that they should look at capabilities such as viability to determine who we are obligated to treat like ourselves it will distract them from the alternative way of determining that. The alternative is to say that every human being, or every member of the human family, no matter what their level of development or capabilities is a person that we should treat as we would want to be treated ourselves. That means that every human being who is weak, helpless, and marginalized has equal value with the strongest and most privileged of human beings. That is the position of those of us who believe that every human being is important because we have been made in the image of God. That includes everyone who is dependent including those who are dependent to the point of being unable to survive outside their mother’s womb.

Justice Potter Stewart’s Infanticide Equivalent

By Mark McQuain

Regular readers of this blog will hopefully forgive me for repeating myself but given the recent failure of the “Born Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act” (BAASPA) in the Senate, the repetition seems warranted.

My concern is not specifically the result of the failure of this particular bill. We indeed already have a “Born-Alive Infants Protection Act of 2002” (BAIPA), which passed by voice vote in the House and Unanimous Consent in the Senate, and accomplishes (as best as I can tell) essentially everything demanded in the BAASPA, including granting 14th Amendment personhood protection of such a baby under federal law. The arguable difference between the existing law, BAIPA, and the failed bill, BAASPA, is that the latter specified legal punishment if certain resuscitative measures were not performed.

Supporters of BAASPA argued that, despite BAIPA, examples continue to exist of babies who are otherwise normal and healthy at their stage of gestation that were born alive post abortion attempt and were subsequently allowed to die without attempts at resuscitation, effectively resulting in infanticide. Pro-choice advocates argued against the passage of BAASPA claiming the legal punishments within the bill would ultimately limit abortion providers from providing the full range of abortion services permitted under current law out of fear of legal recrimination. For the purpose of this particular blog entry, I will concede that both concerns are valid and simply state, given my pro-life position, that the moral weight of the first position infinitely outweighs the second. I want to focus the remainder of this blog on two public comments by prominent lawmakers regarding the status of any baby born post abortion.

The first comment was by Virginia Governor Ralph Northam and covered in my previously linked blog entry above. During a radio interview he described what would happen during a third trimester abortion if the woman went into labor: “The infant would be resuscitated if that’s what the mother and the family desired, and then a discussion would ensue between the physicians and mother…” The second comment was by U.S. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. He expressed concern that the BAASPA legislation would force doctors to provide care to a baby born alive post abortion attempt even if that care was “ineffective, contradictory to medical evidence, and against the families’ wishes.”

In both cases, what the family “desired” or “wished” prior to the abortion procedure was not a living baby. Current law permits a family with a “desire” or “wish” to terminate the life of a fetus to do so without any legal recrimination. Current BAIPA law grants all babies born alive the 14th Amendment protection of personhood, including life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, regardless of the “desires’ or “wishes” of others. I believe it is a huge stretch to argue that these comments were meant to only apply to babies born so medically compromised that any attempt at further life-sustaining care would indeed be ineffective and/or contradictory to medical evidence – in short, futile.

I close again with Justice Potter Stewart’s infanticide equivalent from 1972 Roe v. Wade oral argument testimony between Justice Potter Stewart and attorney Sarah Weddington, who represented Roe (see LINK for transcript or audio of the second reargument Oct 11, 1972, approximately one-third of the way through):

Potter Stewart: Well, if it were established that an unborn fetus is a person within the protection of the Fourteenth Amendment, you would have almost an impossible case here, would you not?

Sarah R. Weddington: I would have a very difficult case. [Laughter]

Potter Stewart: You certainly would because you’d have the same kind of thing you’d have to say that this would be the equivalent to after the child was born.

Sarah R. Weddington That’s right.

Potter Stewart: If the mother thought that it bothered her health having the child around, she could have it killed. Isn’t that correct?

Sarah R. Weddington: That’s correct.

Abortion, at any time, for any reason?

By Mark McQuain

Last week, Virginia delegate Kathy Tran introduced a bill to eliminate some current restrictions on late term abortions in the Commonwealth. During the committee hearing on the bill, she answered a question by one of the other committee members to the effect that her bill would permit a third trimester abortion up to and including the point of birth. That exchange may be heard here. She later “walked back” that particular comment as outlined here. Virginia Governor Ralph Northam, who is a pediatric neurologist by training, added his comments to the discussion on a call-in WTOP radio show, where he implied that the bill would additionally permit parent(s) and physician(s) to terminate the life of a “severely deformed”, “non-viable” infant after the birth of the infant, which may be heard here (the entire 50+ minute WTPO interview may be heard here). That particular bill is currently tabled (the actual bill may be read here).

These events deserve far more reflection and discussion than can be afforded in the small space of this blog. I want to discuss two comments by Governor Northam and then comment on expanding abortion to include the extreme limit of birth.

First, during his radio interview, the Governor added qualifiers to the status of the infant that are not only not in the bill submitted by Delegate Tran, they are specifically contrary to it. Section 18.2-74(c) of the Code of Virginia is amended by Tran’s House Bill No. 2491 to read ([w]hen abortion or termination of pregnancy lawful after second trimester of pregnancy):

“Measures for life support for the product of such abortion or miscarriage must shall be available and utilized if there is any clearly visible evidence of viability. “(markup/emphasis in the bill)

To be generous to the Governor, it is unclear why he qualified his comments the way he did, given that the bill is explicitly discussing a potentially viable infant. Options include that the Governor was simply ignorant of the specifics of Tran’s Bill (possibly), was actually purposefully advocating for infanticide (unlikely), or wanted to defend the loosening of restrictions on very late term abortions, clearly intended by her bill, by introducing at least one conditional situation that a number of people might initially consider reasonable (most likely). The firestorm caused by his so-called “post-birth-abortion” comment completely obscured any attention to the equally tragic portion of Tran’s Bill that eliminates a huge portion of the Code of Virginia section 18.2-76, which currently requires a much more specific informed consent process, inclusive of a pre-abortion fetal ultrasound to attempt to educate the woman on the nature of the human being she is desiring to abort.

The second comment by Governor Northam was made parenthetically while expressing his opinion that the abortion decision should be kept between a physician and the pregnant woman, and out of the hands of the legislature, “who are mostly men”. Does this imply all men be excluded from the abortion discussion or just male legislators? Should male obstetricians likewise be excluded from this discussion? Following the Governor’s comment to its logical conclusion, shouldn’t he refrain from similar comments/opinions regarding abortion since he is also a man? This is absurd. Representative government specifically, and civil discourse more generally, is not possible if ideas cannot be debated unless the particular people involved in the debate are all the same sex, same race, same ethnicity, same height, same weight, same age, etc…

Aborting a healthy, viable baby just prior to, or, at the very moment of, birth seems to me to be the least likely example of the type of abortion that anyone on the pro-choice side of the abortion debate would use to make the case that abortion is a good and necessary right. Presently, immediately after birth, the baby (finally) has the protection as a person under the Fourteenth Amendment. Eerily, as I have shared in this blog before, almost identical concepts were discussed during the 1972 oral arguments of Roe v. Wade, such as the following exchange between Justice Potter Stewart and attorney Sarah Weddington, who represented Roe. (see LINK for transcript or audio of the second reargument Oct 11, 1972, approximately one-third of the way through):

Potter Stewart: Well, if it were established that an unborn fetus is a person within the protection of the Fourteenth Amendment, you would have almost an impossible case here, would you not?

Sarah R. Weddington: I would have a very difficult case. [Laughter]

Potter Stewart: You certainly would because you’d have the same kind of thing you’d have to say that this would be the equivalent to after the child was born.

Sarah R. Weddington That’s right.

Potter Stewart: If the mother thought that it bothered her health having the child around, she could have it killed. Isn’t that correct?

Sarah R. Weddington: That’s correct.

I am one blogger who is praying that Governor Northam’s “post-birth-abortion” misunderstanding of Delegate Kathy Tran’s Bill liberalizing abortions through the end of the third trimester never causes Justice Potter’s 1972 infanticide equivalent to become a reality.

Self-Awareness, Personhood and Death

By Mark McQuain

Many philosophers argue that attaining the threshold of self-awareness is more valuable in determining a human’s right-to-life than simply being a living member of the human race. They require a human being attain self-awareness (reaching so-called full “personhood”) before granting unrestricted right-to-life for that particular human being. Lacking observable self-awareness relegates one to non-personhood status, and, though fully human, potentially restricted right-to-life status. The philosophic argument seems to be that only self-aware things suffer harm, or at least, do so to a more meaningfully significant degree than non-self-aware things.

Consider the following thought experiment. I finally designed a computer with sufficient complexity, memory, external sensors and computational power (or whatever) that, at some point subsequent to turning the power on, it becomes self-aware. The memory is volatile, meaning that the memory cannot hold its contents without power. The self-awareness, and any memory of that self-awareness, exists only so long as the power remains on. If subsequently powered off and then powered on again, the computer has no prior memory of being self-aware (because the memory is volatile and is completely erased and unrecoverable with loss of power) so becomes newly self-aware, with new external sensory input and new memory history. The longer the power remains on during any such power cycle, the more memory or history of its current self-awareness the computer accumulates. The computer’s hardware is bulletproof and is essentially unaffected by applying or disconnecting the power.

In this thought experiment, do the acts of turning the computer’s power on, allowing the computer to become self-aware, and then turning the power off harm anything?

By stipulation of the thought experiment, the computer’s hardware is unaffected by these events so no harm has occurred to the physical computer. Also, by stipulation, subsequently turning the computer’s power on again results in the computer becoming newly self-aware, with absolutely no memory of its previous period of self-awareness. The prior self-awareness is neither presently aware nor even in existence – it existed only during the prior power cycle. Perhaps as the designer, I may be harmed if I miss interacting with the computer as it was during its first self-awareness. The same perhaps goes for any other similar self-aware computer that had constant power during the experiment and witnessed the power cycling of the first computer.

But, what about the first computer? Was that computer harmed when I turned the power off? If so, what, exactly, was harmed? Following power-off, the computer has no self-awareness to be self-aware of any harm. The self-awareness no longer exists and that same self-awareness cannot exist in the future. Non-existent things cannot be harmed. Looking for some measure of group harm by assessing any harm experienced by other self-aware computers witnessing the event appears to be a problem of infinite regress (“It’s turtles all the way down”), as their self-awareness of the first computer’s self-awareness is also transient and becomes instantly non-existent when they power off. We will ignore the designer for the purpose of this experiment.

Assume now that the initial computer is a human brain. Some consider the physical brain a single-power-cycle, self-aware computer. For most humans, at some point after conception, we become self-aware, though philosophers disagree and cannot define the exact threshold for self-awareness. We can lose that self-awareness to physical brain injury or disease. Most believe the self-awareness certainly ceases with physical death, that is, it is volatile like the self-aware computer in my thought experiment, since, after death, there is no longer a functioning physical brain to sustain that self-awareness.

But if the thought experiment holds, requiring human beings the threshold of self-awareness before granting so-called personhood privileges such as unrestricted right-to-life is a meaningless threshold with regard to harm if that self-awareness is volatile and therefore not sustained in some manner after death. For self-awareness to be the determinant of harm in a living being, it must be non-volitile, meaning it sustains beyond death. However, if the self-awareness is sustained after death, then it is sustained in a non-physical manner (since the physical brain is obviously dead by definition of death). If self-awareness exists non-physically, might it also exist more fully than we can appreciate in a premature, a diseased, or an injured human brain prior to death?

Abortion by mail, part 2

By Steve Phillips

Last week I wrote about a European organization that has begun providing the medicines used for medical abortions by mail to women seeking abortions in the US following an online consultation. This violates the current restrictions that the FDA has on the prescribing of mifepristone, the primary medicine used for medical abortion. The restrictions exist due to safety concerns with the use of the drug. Those who think that those restrictions should be ended cite FDA statistics that show that serious harm to women who take the drug are quite rare. I concluded that the data indicate that it is hard to support the restrictions based on the risk of harm to a woman who chooses to use mifepristone.

I mentioned that there is another, somewhat perverse, risk that is usually not discussed which enters into the decision about whether the prescribing of should be limited to a certified prescriber dispensing the medicine in a clinical setting. That is the risk to the embryo/fetus. Those who support the use of mifepristone cite an effectiveness rate of 95-97%. That means that over 95% of the time the use of mifepristone in early pregnancy causes the death of the embryo/fetus and along with the use of misoprostol the pregnancy is ended with a medically induced abortion. In the 3 to 5% of cases in which this does not occur, some result in the death of the embryo/fetus, but the products of conception are retained within the uterus and may present some risk to the mother. As noted above, the observed risk to the mother turns out to be quite low. Sometimes when the process of medical abortion fails the embryo/fetus may survive. Mifepristone is an anti-progesterone. We know that medicines which alter the hormonal environment of an embryo can cause congenital anomalies. Therefore, there is a risk that if an embryo does not die and a subsequent surgical abortion is not done an infant may be born who suffers from congenital anomalies due to exposure to the medicines which were intended to cause a medical abortion. To prevent this, it is recommended that women who take the medicines for medical abortion who do not abort within the usual period of time have a surgical abortion. That would be the primary reason to support the FDA’s requirement that these medicines only be dispensed in a clinical setting by a certified prescriber. The role of the certified prescriber is to make sure that no embryo who is exposed to mifepristone survives to be born with the possible congenital anomalies.

Thus, we have a situation in which our society, as represented by the FDA, has decided that it is permissible to give a pregnant woman a medicine that will kill the embryo/fetus living inside her, but only if the medicine is dispensed in such a way that it can be assured that the embryo/fetus will be killed and not survive with an abnormality caused by the medicine. I said this was perverse. It is what we get when we have a society that puts a higher value on avoiding suffering than the value placed on human life.

Wir wussten nicht

By Mark McQuain

It has been said that “the only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing.” Implied in this statement is that, first and foremost, the good men and women must be aware of the evil before they could be held morally obligated to act against that evil. There are subsequent issues associated with that obligation, such as does one even have the ability to act and, if so, how much personal harm or risk must one endure before being morally absolved of the responsibility to act. Regardless, knowledge of the evil is a requirement before moral culpability to act against that evil can be expected or assigned.

Therefore, a claim of “we did not know” would certainly absolve people of any moral responsibility from failing to act. But only if that denial is true. Challenging the validity of such a denial is reasonable because the denial is the easiest way to escape moral culpability. Consider the following two examples where claims of “not knowing” were possibly used to avoid moral responsibility.

When the Dachau concentration camp was liberated by the U.S. Seventh Army at the end of World War II, it was reported that the local German townspeople denied that they knew what was going on at the camp, claiming “Wir wussten nicht” – “We did not know”. General Walton Walker started the practice of bringing local townspeople to view such camps by ordering the Mayor of the town of Ohrdruf and his wife to visit the Ohrdruf labor camp. After the visit, it was reported the Mayor and his wife returned home and killed themselves.

Did they really not know?

Recently, the movie “Gosnell: The Trial of America’s Biggest Serial Killer” was released with minimal coverage by Hollywood or mass media. Reportedly, the producers had to resort to crowdfunding to initially get the project off the ground. Kermit Gosnell was a physician in Philadelphia who operated the Women’s Medical Society Clinic where he performed late term abortions. He and his clinic had multiple complaints and legal actions related to unsafe office practices as well as several procedure-related deaths prior to eventually being raided on unrelated drug dispensing charges. What the investigating officials found upon raiding the facility would fairly be described as a “House of Horror” for the unsanitary conditions, use of untrained staff, expired medications and multiple fetal remains randomly strewn around the clinic. Dr. Gosnell was convicted of first degree murder in the deaths of three infants, involuntary manslaughter on one female patient and 21 felony counts of performing illegal late-term abortions. During the trial, state and city regulators were repeatedly called out for their failure to act sooner, given the high volume of prior allegations and complaints.

Did they really not know?

Wir wissen nicht. (We do not know.) And, perhaps, we will never know.

Abortion by mail

By Steve Phillips

A recent article on the CNN website reports on a European organization called Aid Access which has recently made the medicines used for medical abortion available to women in the US by mail. The organization utilizes telemedicine in the form of online consultations to prescribe the abortion drugs from a pharmacy in India to be mailed to the woman desiring an abortion in the US. It is clear that this violates FDA regulations. To ensure the safe use of mifepristone the FDA currently requires that the drug, which has no medical indication other than induction of abortion, is only available to be dispensed in clinics, medical offices and hospitals, by or under the supervision of a certified prescriber. At issue is whether those restrictions should be lifted to allow more open prescribing of mifepristone.

The appropriate reason for the FDA to have additional restrictions on certain drugs is safety. Those who advocate lifting the restrictions on mifepristone argue that the safety of this drug has been established and cite FDA statistics that the risk of death from using the drug to induce medical abortion is only one in 155,000. This makes its use much safer than either surgical abortion or continuing a pregnancy to term. Those who oppose lifting the restrictions counter with concerns that the unsupervised use of the drug may also lead to failure to diagnose ectopic pregnancy and can result in situations that require surgical intervention, which may have increased risk in an unsupervised patient.

While there are risks to the use of mifepristone, it is hard to make the case that the risk of harm to the mother is high enough to warrant the additional restrictions that currently are required for this drug. That makes it hard to justify limiting access due to true concern about the risk to the woman whom uses it. This is not the case for another regulation regarding abortion. Laws that require abortion clinics to meet the same standards as outpatient surgery centers have a clear justification. Surgical abortion has similar risks to other outpatient surgeries, so it is reasonable to require the same safety measures for an abortion clinic and an outpatient surgery center.

There is one risk related to the use of mifepristone, which is not usually discussed, which does support the additional restrictions on its distribution, but in a somewhat perverse way. That will be the focus of my next post.

Starting with moral conclusions vs. foundational principles

By Steve Phillips

Last week I wrote about how Jeremy Williams’ moral position on sex-selection abortion was influenced by his position on abortion itself. Reflecting a little more on what he wrote raises the question of what comes first in our reasoning about a moral issue. Do we start with fundamental principles or with previously held moral conclusions? It is not a simple question.

Abortion is such a significant issue that it tends to dominate bioethics at times. Ethicists who defended the permissibility of a woman choosing abortion in the 1970s seemed to begin with the idea that abortion was permissible and then work back to reasons to support that position. Those reasons included an analogy of a violinist being attached to a person without her permission and the idea that some human beings were not actually persons. However, this process of starting with a conclusion is not exclusive to those who support abortion. Many of my students begin with a strongly ingrained belief that abortion is wrong without a good understand of why they believe that. They then address other issues according to how that would affect their belief that abortion is wrong.

My first reaction is that proper moral reasoning should begin with foundational moral principles, but those who take the casuist approach to ethics say that rigidly following principles can lead us astray. They say we should we should begin with a paradigm case in which the moral conclusion is clear and then determine how much the situation we are considering is like and unlike the paradigm case. Even Beauchamp and Childress who have helped to define the principles of biomedical ethics say that those principles are in a significant way influenced by our considered moral judgments and not just based on ethical theories.

So why do I think we should start with foundational principles? That goes back to why I think there is such a thing as moral right and wrong. I believe that morality itself exists because we were created by and live in a world created by a moral being who is by nature good. God’s innate goodness causes ethics to exist. If we were the result of chance and unguided evolution, we would have no reason to believe that such things as right and wrong exist. If ethics exists due to the moral character of God, then God’s moral qualities are the foundation of ethics. His expression of those qualities in scripture and through his incarnate Son form the foundational principles for ethics. That is where we need to start.

Noninvasive prenatal testing and sex-selection abortion

By Steve Phillips

The National Health Service in Great Britain has decided to implement the use of noninvasive prenatal testing (NIPT) and that has raised some concerns. It would seem natural for there to be concern about this test used to detect prenatal genetic conditions such as Down syndrome, which commonly leads to the choice to abort the fetuses with those conditions. However, according to a recent article in The Conversation by Jeremy Williams one of the major concerns is the use of this technique to facilitate sex-selection abortion. Williams states that one of the major political parties has proposed a policy of banning the use of NIPT for sex determination and has described sex-selective abortion as “incredibly unethical”.

Williams concedes that the idea that sex-selection abortion is morally wrong and ought to be prevented is widely held even by those who otherwise have no moral objection to abortion but suggests that taking that position is problematic for those who believe that a woman has a right to choose to have an abortion. Williams lists several reason that people give for why the sex-selection abortion is wrong. These include idea that sex selection abortions are done due to a trivial preference, concern that sex selection abortion constitutes unjust discrimination against female fetuses, concern about women being coerced into this type of abortion, and that it teaches that the lives of girls are not as important as boys. He is concerned that if these reasons are accepted they would apply more broadly than to just this one type of abortion, and he is right. Many abortions are done for reasons that seem trivial compared to the value of the life of the fetus. Any abortion that is done because of the characteristics of the fetus, including having a genetic disorder such as Down syndrome, are both unjust discrimination against those who have such a disorder and express a message that people who have such a disorder do not have the same value as those who do not. Many women are pressured into having abortions, and do not actually freely choose them.

The problem with what Williams has written is that sex-selection abortion is just clearly wrong. It is wrong to kill a fetus because that fetus is female and end the life of the girl and woman who that fetus would have become just because she is female. That is a clear violation of women’s rights. The fact that this helps us see that abortions in other situations are also clear violations of more universal human rights should make people question whether those abortions are also wrong. It does not mean that sex selection abortion is permissible.