In a recent post Jon Holmlund cited Thomas B. Edsall’s op-ed in the New York Times, “The Republican Conception of Conception.” Edsall was referring to the concept that life begins at conception. It is his hope that Republicans either stake a consistent position regarding the morality of post-conception “contraception” and incur the disfavor of the electorate, or abandon their “moral purity” in favor of “pragmatism” and agree that post-conceptional interventions are acceptable.
Edsall’s states it thus:
By this logic, a presidential candidate seeking to live up to the standards set by Sedlak and others in the anti-abortion community must then agree that the IUD and morning after pill cause abortions.
The problem is that Edsall challenges GOP candidates to take an informed and consistent position, while depending on the electorate not to. His strategy relies on manipulative use of terms to produce the opposite of clarity in moral reasoning. First, he speaks of medical interventions described as “contraceptives” that act in ways beyond merely preventing conception. But he does not give them the label “abortifacient” (the proper term for an IUD should be “contraceptive-abortifacient”); the term is simply omitted. That is the best way, of course, to ensure that users of devices such as the IUD are unaware that it may act after creation of an embryonic being.
Such a position is facilitated by ACOG’s definition of pregnancy as beginning at implantation, which Edsall also hangs his hat on. This is a willful dodge. “Pregnancy” refers to the state of the woman. To claim that pregnancy doesn’t begin until implantation fails to refute the notion that an embryonic human being is in existence before then. So the woman isn’t “pregnant”….the human being is still alive, moving toward implantation. And, if the woman isn’t “pregnant” during the time after the embryo is fertilized and before it is implanted, what is her state? Is it not different than before she conceived? Does that not deserve a name? The absence of a name for such a condition is no accident, because the unnamed state is far more difficult to assign a moral status to.
“The bill would provide that nothing in its provisions is to be construed to authorize ending a patient’s life by lethal injection, mercy killing, or active euthanasia, and would provide that action taken in accordance with the act shall not constitute, among other things, suicide or homicide.”
So, according to this draft bill, one can take one’s own life and not commit suicide. The attempt to separate the actions that this bill would legalize from the term “suicide” is to attempt to prevent citizens from properly interpreting those actions using the moral values they have already acquired.
Are moral discussions about conception, contraception, abortion, and assisted suicide too painful for our electorate, having what Edsall describes as “its complex views and…pragmatism”? For many, yes, as proven by our unwillingness to clarify the terms needed to elucidate the moral issues regarding medical interventions blocking implantation. However, such discussions are not unwanted by all, but simply unknown to them. Remaining uninformed by the medical profession of the mechanisms of action of “contraceptives,” they are never given a chance to make an informed moral decision. Edsall (to achieve his desired virtue of consistency) would more properly make his challenge to all of us, to demand that each voter take a stance on the morality of embryocidal interventions. It is only then that they could properly interpret the candidates’ responses that Edsall so fervently desires.